Rioting seems terribly un-British
somehow. We’re more ready to march in protest than we used to be. But by and
large we continue to place our faith in the democratic process, despite the
efforts of some politicians in recent years to discredit the political process
completely. Expenses are fiddled, promises are broken … but representation of
the people in parliament was hard won, so we cling to it.
Some places are more ready to
riot than others, and perhaps none more so than Bristol,
home of my Castle family ancestors. In 1793 for example, riots over continuing
bridge tolls were ruthlessly quelled when soldiers fired into the crowd killing
11 people, many of them innocently caught up in the demonstrations. In 1831 the
most violent riots in modern British history left up to 500 dead and the city
in flames.
A rioter hangs a French tricolour revolutionary cap on a statue of King
William III in Bristol’s Queens Square, 30th October 1831
The odd thing is that the year
after both of these dramatic uprisings, the annually elected post of Bristol
town sheriff was filled by a Castle – in 1794 by my 4x great uncle Robert
Castle, and in 1832 by his son, my great great grandfather’s cousin Michael
Hinton Castle. I don’t really know what to make of that. Was it just
coincidence? Both men also served in other years as mayor. I like to think that
they were considered suitable candidates for sheriff because, with their family
tradition of liberal, Presbyterian non-conformism, they were more in touch with
popular sentiment than any Tories in the running.
The bloody disturbances of 1831 were
a pivotal event in the nation’s slow march towards representative democracy.
They were triggered by the defeat in the broadly Tory House of Lords of a liberal
Reform Bill which had been passed by the Whig-dominated House of Commons. The
Act sought to increase the electorate and reduce the number of rotten boroughs.
In Bristol for example only 6,000
out of a population of 104,000 were eligible to vote in 1831. Meanwhile some
Members of Parliament represented so-called rotten boroughs, constituencies
whose population had dwindled in some cases to zero and whose seats could simply
be bought from the local landlord. Everywhere the ballot was not secret, and
votes could be won with money or threats. Reform of the electoral system was desperately
needed.
The mayor of Bristol,
Charles Pinney,
escaping from Mansion House, 29th October 1831
One of the fiercest opponents of
reform happened to be the Bristol
recorder, Sir Charles Wetherell. When he arrived in the city only a few weeks
after the Bill’s defeat his carriage was pelted with stones. He was forced to
abandon his sitting in the Assize Courts; he took refuge in the Mansion House but
fled with the mayor across the rooftops as angry Bristol
citizens broke in.
Things quickly escalated,
inflamed by an advance on a crowd by a company of Dragoons with threateningly drawn
sabres in which one man was shot. Buildings were set on fire and Bristol’s
prisons were stormed, the escaped prisoners swelling the crowds of thousands.
Finally, after three days of anarchy, the mayor of the day gave the order to “take
the most vigorous, effective and decisive measures to quell the riot.”
Quelling the Bristol
riots, 31st October 1831
This time the Dragoons charged
into the mob of men, women and children with sabres flying, cutting them down
and pursuing fleeing bands of protesters into the surrounding countryside. The
mayor was accused of neglecting his duties by not ordering the charge sooner,
and the Captain of the Dragoons was court-martialled for refusing to use rifles
on the crowd – he committed suicide during his trial. Four rioters were sentenced
to hang and 88 others imprisoned or transported.
So representation of the people
was hard won – in 1832, the year Michael
Hinton Castle
served as sheriff of Bristol, a
watered-down version of the Reform Act was finally passed in Parliament. 56
rotten boroughs were abolished and the vote was extended to around one in seven
of the population. A more peaceful demonstration, in the form of a 10,000-strong
petition to the king to save the lives of the four men condemned to hang,
failed.